By
MARSHA MERCER
“Voting
discrimination still exists; no one doubts that,” Chief Justice John G. Roberts
Jr. declared in his Supreme Court opinion that nevertheless shredded part of
the federal voting rights safety net.
By a
5-4 vote, Roberts and the four other justices nominated by Republican
presidents effectively ended nearly 50 years of federal oversight on voting
practices in mostly Southern states that had a history of discrimination.
The
court said that times have changed and racial progress has made outdated the
decades-old formula Congress used to decide which states had to submit their
election law changes in advance. Justices
Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito joined Roberts
in the majority opinion.
You
won’t be surprised that the four justices appointed by Democratic presidents
saw the case, Shelby County v. Holder, much differently.
“Throwing
out preclearance when it has worked and is continuing to work to stop
discriminatory changes is like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because
you are not getting wet,” Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote in a stinging
dissenting opinion, which was joined by Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor
and Elena Kagan.
Now
what? Until Tuesday, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 required the states of
Alabama, Arizona, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas,
Virginia and Alaska to submit changes in their election laws to the federal
government. Parts of California, Florida, Michigan, New York, North Carolina
and South Dakota were also required to do so.
Today,
those states and localities no longer have to “beseech” – Roberts’ word -- the
government for approval. Several states said they’d move quickly to put in
place strict new voter ID laws.
Attorney
General Eric Holder says the Justice Department will continue to monitor all
states and to file lawsuits when questionable steps are taken. Lawsuits take
years. Preclearance is a fairly quick process that puts the burden on jurisdictions
to prove at the outset that their new election laws do not discriminate.
The
court challenged Congress to rewrite the law’s Section 4, which contains the
formula identifying states needing preclearance. The smart money is on Congress
to fail, once again, to do anything.
If members
of Congress can’t pass a farm bill or immigration legislation, and might well fight
over whether the evening meal is called dinner or supper, how can they possibly
agree on politically explosive standards for which states must get federal scrutiny
of their election decisions?
Yes,
but…how can Congress NOT act – if the people demand it? It has happened before.
In
August 1963, the March on Washington drew more than 200,000 in peaceful
demonstration to the Lincoln Memorial. Martin Luther King Jr. gave his “I Have
a Dream” speech.
After the march, King and other leaders went to the White
House and talked with President John Kennedy and Vice President Lyndon Johnson
about the need for bipartisan civil rights legislation. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965 eventually
resulted.
On the
50th anniversary of the march and Dream speech, the civil rights
community is planning five days of events in August in Washington Leaders say
this won’t be a nostalgia trip but a call to restart the civil rights movement and
to urge Congress to act on voting rights for the 21st century.
For the
record, not everyone who has dealt with the preclearance rules has found them
burdensome.
“I have
generally found the process straightforward, and given the importance of
voting, not onerous,” said Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., who served as Richmond’s
mayor as well as lieutenant governor and governor in a state that had its share
of civil rights issues.
Kaine
suggested that until Congress acts, jurisdictions previously covered should continue
to submit their election changes for preclearance to the Justice Department “as
a sign to their own constituents that they are committed to ensuring equal
voting rights.” Nice try.
But
then Kaine was once a missionary.
The country is becoming more diverse, but members of Congress actually risk little politically if they fail to respond to racial diversity. The average House Republican district is 75 percent white while the average Democratic district is 51 percent white, according to the Cook Political Report.
So here we are: Everybody agrees voting discrimination is still with us. Democrats and Republicans always say voting isn't a partisan issue. Prove it. Work together on new rules for preclearance and ensure that everybody eligible to vote can do so.
The country is becoming more diverse, but members of Congress actually risk little politically if they fail to respond to racial diversity. The average House Republican district is 75 percent white while the average Democratic district is 51 percent white, according to the Cook Political Report.
So here we are: Everybody agrees voting discrimination is still with us. Democrats and Republicans always say voting isn't a partisan issue. Prove it. Work together on new rules for preclearance and ensure that everybody eligible to vote can do so.
© 2013
Marsha Mercer. All rights reserved.
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